The NDA's victory is an important indicator of Bihar's political wisdom and social consciousness

The 2025 election results in Bihar's politics have once again proven that the state's voters prefer stability over change, and that leadership credibility matters more to them than any party's election slogan. The NDA not only won this election but also reaffirmed its stronghold. The crushing defeat suffered by the Grand Alliance clearly demonstrates that the public lacked enthusiasm, trust, and a clear alternative to the opposition. This election, more than a simple victory or defeat, is a story of subtle shifts in the political fabric, gradually building over the years and finally manifesting decisively in 2025.

The stability, administrative balance, and social security system that Bihar voters experienced under Nitish Kumar's rule over the past decade and a half served as a psychological shield in this election as well. People know that, despite the criticism, Nitish's rule has been far more restrained and predictable than the crime, caste tensions, and anarchy that plagued it. When this stability was combined with Narendra Modi's national influence and the promotion of his double-engine model, the NDA's electoral ground continued to strengthen. It would not be an exaggeration to say that the combined influence of Modi and Nitish in Bihar has suppressed the entire opposition narrative.

Parallel to this, another major factor was the realignment of social groups. Bihar politics is often seen as a contest between the MY equation and the NDA, the EBC-OBC alliance, and this election once again demonstrated that when the EBC and OBC segments gain strength, the Mahagathbandhan's social base becomes limited. The Mahagathbandhan was hoping to harness the resentment among the EBC segments, but the ground reality proved quite the opposite. EBC voters, whose electoral inclinations have leaned towards the NDA over the past decade, did not abandon it this time either. This segment votes based on employment, local leadership, and the stability of government schemes, and the NDA's consistent beneficiary network remained a solid option for them.

Women voters played a most interesting and decisive role. Over the years, Nitish Kumar has empowered women with policies like 50% Panchayat reservations, scholarships, self-help groups, prohibition, and financial assistance to women, and the impact of this impact is lasting in electoral politics. This time too, women voters overwhelmingly voted for the NDA. A clear sentiment among women in villages and towns was that they were unwilling to risk changing the governance model under which they had become somewhat secure, empowered, and socially assertive. The Grand Alliance failed to grasp this emotional and social shift.

When it comes to electoral success, the NDA's greatest strength was its well-organized election management. The strategy developed by the joint BJP-JDU organization at the booth level, the level of work from voter lists to beneficiary contact, social media, and micro-management, far surpassed that of the Grand Alliance. Elections in Bihar are no longer just a game of rallies and grand shows. Quiet, precise, and data-driven campaigning in every village determines the outcome, and on this front, the NDA functioned like a machine, while the Grand Alliance appeared increasingly fragmented.

On the other hand, to understand the Grand Alliance's crushing defeat, we must first examine its leadership crisis. Tejashwi Yadav is a popular young face, but the public still lacks complete trust in him. People were unclear about the direction the administration would take if he came to power, what his policies would be, and how stable his leadership would be. Congress was completely inactive in this election, with neither a strong organization, clear issues, nor effective leadership. The presence of the Left parties was even more limited this time. Nowhere in the grand alliance did an organised, inspiring, clear, and credible leadership emerge.

The Grand Alliance's second biggest mistake was trying to understand Bihar's changing political landscape through old caste equations. Elections cannot be won solely on the MY equation. This is a time when beneficiary voters, women's votes, youth employment aspirations, law and order, and the influence of national leadership all combine to determine the outcome. The Grand Alliance offered no concrete vision for employment, no education reform policy, and no industrial development plan. Instead, the entire campaign was based on opposing the NDA. But voters are no longer swayed by mere opposition politics; they want alternatives, clear and practical ones. 

The RJD's old image of jungle raj also remained a noose around the Grand Alliance's neck. Even though the party projected new faces, social memory has its own politics. Stories of that era remain alive in rural areas and among first-time voters. The NDA capitalized on this sentiment, leaving the Grand Alliance completely helpless.

Another less-discussed but significant reason for the Grand Alliance's defeat was widespread dissatisfaction with ticket distribution. In many areas, both the RJD and the Congress were unable to manage their local units. Disgruntled leaders contesting as independents significantly damaged the Grand Alliance. Meanwhile, the NDA experienced relatively little rebellion in ticket distribution and quickly contained the discontent.

Among these reasons, the most significant was the Grand Alliance's inability to establish its campaign message. It failed to communicate what it would do once in power, nor how it would transform Bihar. In many districts, people clearly stated that the Grand Alliance sought votes but failed to explain what better model it would offer after ousting the NDA. In contrast, the NDA strongly created the impression that losing power would halt development, disrupt the delivery of schemes, and potentially erode political stability. It was this fear, this trust, and this pragmatic interest that led people to give the NDA another chance.

Now that the NDA has returned to power, it will face equally significant challenges. Bihar's youth want employment, better education, modern industries, and a crime-free social environment. Governance based solely on roads, schemes, and beneficiary support will not suffice; the new generation stands with new expectations. The NDA must understand that this victory is a responsibility, not a rest.

Meanwhile, the Grand Alliance faces an existential crisis. If it wants to remain relevant in the politics of 2030, it will have to completely revamp its organization, leadership, and strategy. The RJD must transform its image, the Congress must revive its grassroots presence, and the Grand Alliance must develop a clear development model. If this is not done, Bihar's politics will become one-sided, which is not a good situation for democracy.

Overall, the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections have sent a clear message that the state's voters will now choose parties that combine stability, credibility, strong leadership, and the real reach of their schemes. The NDA's victory is a result of this overall equation, while the Grand Alliance's defeat is a reflection of the same factors: unclear messaging, disorganized leadership, and a failure to grasp the changing political mindset of the public. The 2025 election, therefore, represents not just political change but also an important indicator of Bihar's political understanding and social consciousness.

 NDA's landslide victory

The results of the Bihar Legislative Assembly elections have been declared, and the NDA has returned to power with a resounding majority. The BJP has emerged as the largest party in this election, with the JDU in a strong position behind it. However, the major parties of the Grand Alliance, the RJD and the Congress, have suffered a major setback.

As of 8:30 pm on Friday, results for 202 of the 243-seat Bihar Assembly have been declared, while counting is still ongoing in 41 seats, with candidates maintaining leads.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has performed the most. The BJP has won 80 seats and is leading in 9. Similarly, the JDU, the second largest party in the NDA, has won 67 seats and is leading in 17. The combined figures of both parties indicate that the NDA has returned to power with a resounding majority.

On the other hand, the main opposition party, the RJD, has won only 20 seats and is leading in 6. This performance is considered far below the party's expectations. The Congress (INC)'s position was even weaker, winning 4 seats and leading in 2.

The Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) (LJPRV) made a significant presence in this election. The party won 16 seats and is leading in 3. AIMIM maintained its dominance in Seemanchal, winning all 5 seats.

Similarly, the Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAMS) won 4 seats and is leading in 1. The Rashtriya Lok Morcha (RSHTLKM) won 3 seats and is leading in 1. The CPI(ML) (Liberation) won 2 seats, the CPI(M) won 1 seat, while the BSP and IIP are leading in one seat each.

These results and trends clearly demonstrate that the NDA's influence in Bihar politics has been decisive this time as well. The BJP has emerged as the largest party, while the strength of the JDU has put the coalition on a strong path to a majority. Dealing a blow to the Grand Alliance, voters appear to be reshaping the power equation this time.