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 BRICS 2026 Declaration Highlights India’s Strategic Autonomy Amid Global Tensions

India Balances US, Iran, Israel and Russia as BRICS Pushes Dialogue Over Confrontation

The BRICS declaration adopted in New Delhi has come at a time when the world is facing several geopolitical crises simultaneously. The conflict between the United States and Iran in West Asia, the situation in Gaza and Lebanon, the Ukraine war, rising protectionism and growing trade tensions are making the international order increasingly complex. Against this backdrop, the BRICS summit 2026 and its joint declaration assume particular significance because the grouping brings together countries whose interests and strategic priorities differ sharply on many issues. Iran and the United Arab Emirates being part of the same forum is perhaps the clearest example. Reaching a consensus in New Delhi therefore reflects not only the diplomatic skill of India but also the continued relevance of dialogue within the BRICS countries.

The declaration’s language on West Asia needs to be viewed in this context. It expresses deep concern over the escalating tensions in the region and calls for maximum restraint, avoidance of actions that could further intensify the situation, and the use of dialogue, consultations and diplomacy to resolve disputes. The document has deliberately avoided directly assigning responsibility for the conflict to any one country. At first glance, this language may appear cautious, but it also represents the broadest common ground on which a diverse BRICS grouping, including Iran and countries with very different regional positions, could agree. Against the backdrop of tensions involving Iran and the United States, and the UAE’s distinct strategic position, reaching agreement on common language was never going to be easy.

The declaration addresses the Palestinian issue with considerable clarity. It expresses concern over the humanitarian situation in Gaza and reiterates the need to maintain the ceasefire and ensure the unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance. It opposes the forced displacement of Palestinians and reiterates support for a two-state solution. It also condemns attacks on civilian infrastructure and protected nuclear facilities. In this respect, the New Delhi Declaration goes beyond immediate regional politics and connects the BRICS position with principles of international humanitarian law and the broader framework of the United Nations.

This is where India’s position becomes particularly significant. India has deepening relations with Israel, while its historical support for the Palestinian cause also remains intact. At the same time, New Delhi maintains long-standing strategic and economic ties with Iran and has significantly expanded its engagement with the Gulf Arab states in recent years. India’s interest, therefore, does not lie in choosing one camp over another, but in preserving productive relations with all major partners. The language of the BRICS declaration 2026 is a visible reflection of this approach. India’s long-standing policy of strategic autonomy and its ability to maintain relationships across geopolitical divides have become increasingly important in the current international environment.

Another important aspect of the declaration concerns US trade and economic policies. The document does not name US President Donald Trump, but it expresses concern over unilateral protectionist measures, tariffs and non-tariff barriers. Such measures are presented as harmful to the rules-based international trading system and to the broader global economy. The declaration also criticises unilateral economic sanctions and argues that measures inconsistent with international law and the UN Charter can have wide-ranging negative consequences. Although the language is not framed as a political resolution against any particular country, its relevance is clear in the context of rising US tariffs, sanctions and economic pressure.

Yet BRICS has stopped well short of announcing any collective confrontation with the United States. That is one of the most important political features of the declaration. New Delhi has sought to keep BRICS as a platform for multilateral cooperation rather than allow it to evolve into an ideological or military bloc. For Indian foreign policy, this approach is particularly useful. India is simultaneously expanding cooperation with the United States and Europe in trade, technology, defence and supply chains, while maintaining its traditional relationship with Russia and continuing both competition and dialogue with China. Within BRICS itself, India’s broader objective has been to ensure that the grouping does not become an instrument of any single power centre.

The same approach can be seen in the debate over de-dollarisation. Countries such as Russia and China have shown interest in reducing dependence on the US dollar, but the New Delhi declaration does not move towards a common BRICS currency or an immediate financial project aimed at challenging the dollar. Instead, it stresses the need to make cross-border payments easier, faster and more reliable and to deepen technical cooperation in financial systems. This caution is important for India because its economy remains deeply integrated with the Western financial and trading system. Financial diversification may serve India’s interests, but direct confrontation with the existing global financial order would not.

It is also important to recognise that the declaration does not reflect an equal degree of consensus on every issue. India and China continue to have differences, the confrontation between Russia and the West remains unresolved, Iran and several Arab states have differing regional priorities, and BRICS members have very different relationships with Washington. Under such circumstances, reaching consensus on highly confrontational language would naturally be difficult. This explains why the declaration gives priority to restraint and diplomacy in West Asia rather than placing one side directly in the dock. Rather than interpreting this only as weakness, it can also be seen as a pragmatic effort to maintain consensus within an increasingly diverse grouping.

Perhaps the biggest achievement of the summit is that BRICS has, for now, avoided turning its growing influence into a new form of ideological polarisation. The New Delhi Declaration does criticise aspects of the Western-led international system, but it does not call for dismantling it or creating a completely closed alternative order. Instead, it calls for reform of global institutions, greater representation, protection of the interests of developing countries and a fairer international economic system. The broader message, therefore, is one of reform rather than confrontation.

For India, this role is important because its foreign policy is no longer defined simply by the question of “whose side are you on?” India’s objective is to preserve the maximum possible strategic space while advancing its national interests in a rapidly changing world. Relations with Israel must remain strong, partnerships with the Arab world must continue to deepen, dialogue with Iran must remain open, economic and technological ties with the United States must expand, traditional relations with Russia must endure, and channels of communication with China must remain open despite strategic competition. The real strength of India’s foreign policy lies in maintaining this balance.

The New Delhi BRICS summit offers another indication of this approach. If the world is moving towards a more multipolar world order, the answer cannot simply be the creation of new rival camps. What is needed are more forums for dialogue, consultation and negotiation. BRICS clearly has limitations and cannot resolve every global crisis, but its ability to bring countries with sharply differing perspectives to the same table remains valuable. The most important message of the declaration therefore goes beyond the question of whether one should stand with the United States or Iran, Israel or Palestine. It suggests that even amid growing global tensions, diplomatic space can still be preserved.

For India, that remains the most practical path forward. Strategic autonomy does not mean distancing itself from others; it means maintaining relationships with different powers while taking decisions independently in pursuit of national interests. The consensus achieved in New Delhi was therefore also a test of India’s diplomatic balancing. The declaration may not offer a decisive solution to every global crisis, but it demonstrates that in today’s divided world, consensus-building, dialogue, diplomacy and a careful balance of national interests can help India strengthen its role as an influential actor in the emerging multipolar world order.

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