RSS-BJP Relations and the Significance of Bhagwat’s Statement on Kashi and Mathura

On August 28, during the concluding session of RSS’s centenary lecture series in Delhi, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat made several remarks that have once again sparked discussions about Indian politics particularly the evolving relationship between the RSS and BJP and the future of sensitive religious issues like Kashi and Mathura.

One of the most talked-about comments from Bhagwat was his statement that he is not going to retire. This came at a time when Prime Minister Narendra Modi is about to turn 75 a milestone that, in BJP’s unofficial rulebook, often signals the end of active political roles. Senior leaders like L.K. Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi were retired after this age. So naturally, questions arise will the same standard apply to Modi?

Bhagwat later clarified that his earlier remark about retirement after 75 was said in a light-hearted context, quoting RSS veteran Moropant Pingale. He emphasized that he wasn’t suggesting anyone retire, including himself. However, political analysts believe that had Bhagwat himself stepped down at 75, it would have created strong moral pressure on Modi to do the same. Since Modi is considered a powerful brand for both BJP and RSS, such pressure could have disrupted the party’s internal balance. Therefore, Bhagwat’s U-turn on the age issue is seen as a calculated move to protect Modi’s unique position.

In fact, many now feel that the age-75 rule was more of a political slogan than a strict standard just like earlier promises of acche din or the ₹15 lakh per citizen claim. Political narratives often shift as per convenience, and Bhagwat’s clarification falls into that category.

In the same lecture, Bhagwat also addressed the RSS-BJP relationship. He said there’s no conflict between the two, although minor differences may exist. On the surface, this sounds harmonious, but the context suggests something deeper.

After BJP failed to secure a clear majority in the 2024 general elections, and BJP President J.P. Nadda publicly said that the party no longer needs the RSS for support, cracks in their relationship became visible. Bhagwat subtly responded by questioning why the election of a new BJP president took so long implying that RSS was not consulted or its opinion wasn’t followed as it used to be. This wasn't just a joke it was a message that BJP is becoming increasingly independent and doesn’t always act according to RSS's wishes.

Still, despite these tensions, the RSS continues to influence key decisions in the BJP, especially regarding leadership. In states like Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, the appointment of Chief Ministers has largely followed RSS recommendations. So, even if RSS isn’t directly choosing BJP’s president or top leaders, its approval remains crucial behind the scenes.

The most controversial part of Bhagwat’s speech, however, was his take on the Kashi and Mathura temple issues. He stated that RSS won’t participate in any direct movement, but added that Ayodhya, Kashi, and Mathura are deeply connected to Hindu sentiment. While the Ayodhya issue has been legally settled, he hinted that Kashi and Mathura could be the next focus. He also made it clear that although RSS as an organization won’t lead any campaign, its volunteers are free to act on their own.

This sends two major signals. First, it indirectly urges the Muslim community not to resist claims over these religious sites, and second, it builds pressure on the government to re-examine the Places of Worship Act, 1991, which currently prevents the status of religious places from being changed as they were on August 15, 1947.

Political observers believe that Bhagwat's comments pave the way for a new phase of Hindutva politics. By not leading the movement directly but allowing volunteers to push forward, RSS is keeping its influence alive while avoiding legal or political accountability. This strategy could provide BJP with a new ideological narrative, especially as elections approach. Historically, BJP has revived religious issues whenever it needed to regain political momentum, and this time seems no different.

Although RSS claims to be a cultural and non-political organization, its actions and influence in Indian politics suggest otherwise. BJP’s rise would have been impossible without RSS’s ideological and structural support. And since RSS volunteers are active in politics, it's unrealistic to expect the organization to be completely detached from political agendas.

Bhagwat also tried to strike a balancing tone by stating that people shouldn’t look for temples everywhere only focus on three: Ayodhya, Kashi, and Mathura. But he followed that up by reinforcing the idea that Hindu society’s emotional attachment to Kashi and Mathura will continue. This shows that while RSS wants to appear moderate, it cannot ignore the sentiments of its base.

In conclusion, the RSS-BJP relationship today is not merely that of a mentor and disciple. It is a complex equation of power, politics, and ideology. Bhagwat’s speech confirmed that while the two still work together, their unity isn’t without friction. His remarks about Kashi and Mathura make it clear that the Hindutva agenda isn’t over it’s simply been paused, to be revived when needed.

Even if RSS does not lead any movement, it won’t stop its followers from doing so. And that’s the point where the line between a cultural organization and a political actor becomes blurred.